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And although the Rapporteur fully supports these sentiments, there is little to suggest that the Lisbon Ministerial advanced the process of reconciliation of views to any concrete extent. Differences remain too among Europeans on how CJTF could be formulated. 81. The Lisbon Declaration endorsed many of the proposals made in the previous Noordwijk Declaration of November 1994 and the document produced by the Permanent Council, "Preliminary Conclusions on the Formulation of a Common European Defence Policy": a politico-military group has now been established to support the Council, and the WEU Secretariat has been strengthened with the creation of Situation and Intelligence Centres. In addition, Forces Available to the WEU (FAWEU) have been strengthened with the European Force (EUROFOR) and the European Maritime Force (EUROMARFOR) allocated "as a priority" (also to be made formally available to NATO if required). Finally, the Council adopted a document, proposed by Britain and Italy, on the role of a WEU intervention force in humanitarian crises, but failed to reach agreement on the procedure for financing WEU operations.(33) 82. With specific reference to CJTFs, the NATO Secretary General Willy Claes has appealed for greater flexibility on the part of the United States and France. Addressing journalists in Brussels in early April, he made the following comment on the CJTF issue: "Other than technical difficulties, the political question is that some allies have the feeling that, by creating such forces, an attempt is being made at bringing them back into an integrated military structure, and other allies have the feeling that, by doing this, two different divisions are being created within NATO, one responsible for collective defence, and the other for new missions, peacekeeping, etc. I am not pessimistic. I simply ask Paris and Washington to show a little more flexibility." 83. To the question as to whether the United States should keep a right of inspection on operations conducted by Europeans with these future CJTFs, Mr. Claes added: "It all depends on what one means by right of inspection. Let us suppose that we are members of one and the same alliance, that I am not interested in taking part in an operation that you want to carry out but that I would like to help you with logistics and intelligence, do you think that I would want to do so without knowing what will happen with my intelligence and logistics. We must find a solution. I have learnt after six months here that the greatest quality of this alliance is its integrated military structure. Let us not weaken it. This does not mean that the WEU, for example, cannot have a certain amount of autonomy by acting with the aid of other allies."(34) 84. The problems thus remain both political and military in character. One recent report on the CJTF debate asserts that: "It contains, just beneath the surface, NATO's future control over the WEU and the degree of autonomy of the European defence organisation regarding the Alliance's operational tools in general and those of the United States in particular. NATO logistics support of information could culminate in practice in a right of veto, a right to inspect, and indirect NATO control over WEU actions. Paradoxically, the CJTF could also make it useless to set up WEU operational tools (satellites, logistics) in order to avoid duplication; a process that could lead to renewed dependence of the WEU countries on NATO mechanisms in general and on American strategic transport and information means in particular".(35) 85. Despite perennial optimistic statements from certain quarters that significant progress is being made in resolving the CJTF conundrum, as this Report went to print there was little indication that substantial progress had been made on overcoming the fundamental differences since the spring meeting. At least, from the American perspective, there seems to have been a clear shift away from a concentration on a textual to a conceptual discussion in an effort to narrow differences, as reflected in the discussions members of the Committee held in the Pentagon last June. Certain new ideas - notably those recently championed by SACLANT General Sheehan in NATO circles - have been put forward to this end. 86. Specifically SACLANT has suggested that, through a realignment of either Major Subordinate Commands or Principal Subordinate Commands, NATO Functional Commands could successfully deal with outstanding issues concerning command of CJTFs. Because their sphere of influence could conceivably span all Alliance nations and all services, it is thought that any such Functional Commands should be combined joint commands; the use of Regional Coordination Commands would also simplify co-ordination of operations. 87. Regional Commands would also have within their structure an operational capability with a CJTF Headquarters element, to lead or support a CJTF while also maintaining their common defence and area co-ordination functions. Indeed, it is worth emphasising that the essence of a CJTF is to provide a mechanism for the creation of task forces intended for requirements both inside the NATO territorial boundaries and elsewhere. In such a context, CJTFs would not be additional structures; instead, they would be formed from trained elements within the permanent structure (i.e. Functional and Regional Commands) when required.(36) 88. If, during the last months, the NATO expansion question has occupied all the attention, as this report goes to print there are signs that the US Administration could be, again on the track of the 1994 Brussels Declaration, weighing the need and the advantages of CJTF and NATO's in-depth reform. The informal meeting of NATO Defence Ministers, to be held in Williamsbourg in early October could conceivably be the appropriate occasion to bridge the different approaches - particularly between the French and Americans - and give an effective political impulse to those key issues. NOTES AND REFERENCES (1) Resolution No. 88, NAA Annual Session in Washington, D.C., November 1994. (2) "NATO's Future: Beyond Collective Defense" by Mr. Stan Sloan, Congressional Research Service. ----------------------------------------------------------------- For further information and reports in French contact: Carolyn BUTLER North Atlantic Assembly 3 Place du Petit Sablon Tel (32-2) 513.28.65 B - 1000 Brussels Fax (32-2) 514.18.47 E-mail butler@shape.nato.int EMP: Hartmut Rieg@2:2476/115.13 ABS: Chris.Scheurweghs # stc.nato.int@2:2476/115.1000 (Chris.Scheurweghs@stc.nato.int) BET: Pt 2/3: NAA: Structure and functions; european security and defence ROT: 2:2476/115!2:2476/115 MID: 2:2476/115.1000@fidonet 10ff0edb EDA: 19951120114300W+0 LEN: 25470 MAILER: Fred 1.9q X_C: X-XP-NTP: 30 X-Fido-Flags: DIR and Community institutions have publicly ventilated their respective visions of how a meaningful ESDI should be brought to fruition. The Rapporteur believes a brief overview of some of the more prominent perspectives might help to place the debate in context. B. The United Kingdom Memorandum 34. Of the principal European military powers, the United Kingdom appears to have been the most forthright in advancing its vision of a future ESDI - albeit in general terms. Moreover, there has been little to suggest that the essential elements of this approach do not enjoy broad bipartisan support across the British political spectrum. 35. This was elaborated in a memorandum on the United Kingdom Government's Approach to the Treatment of European Defence and sent to all member states of the European Union on 1 March this year. It represents an unprecedented attempt by the British to lead (and define) the debate on European foreign and security policy. 36. The Memorandum does not map out a long-term strategy for gaining an independent defence within the European Union. The recent statement by Defence Minister Rifkind that "the new Europe [is not] going to be built on the federalist ambitions of the 1950s and 1960s. The time for that kind of ideological debate has passed"(15) illustrates this point graphically and that the UK acceptance of an ESDI still has clearly-defined limits. The Memorandum has been criticised for its conservatism by certain member states who believe that the British are attempting to restrict the debate on the European Security and Defence Identity, and reneging on their commitment to a "common defence", as signed at Maastricht. But there has also been evidence of convergence on certain issues with other countries, notably France and Germany. 37. The UK Memorandum states that "a definition of a European defence policy should start with a hard- headed assessment of what the Europeans can realistically expect to do together" - a "task-based" approach to defence planning. NATO is described as "the bedrock of ... common defence" and the Memorandum declares that it "would be wasteful to develop separate, wholly European military structures". The UK Government accepts that only NATO can provide for the "hard defence" of Europe and refuses to contemplate any suggestion of a European Army. 38. This latter point is largely shared by the Labour opposition, with Tony Blair confirming that "We do not favour a European Army, but we can see a case for greater use of co-operation between European forces. That would be a modest but worthwhile step".(16) 39. The Memorandum endorses a European defence insofar as the WEU "should act as a more effective European pillar of the Alliance" and deal with "lesser crisis management tasks; peace support operations; and in support of those trying to relieve suffering". The Government believes that "missions [of the armed forces] will not be concerned in the main with territorial defence", and thus its acceptance of the WEU in a peacekeeping role is significant. 40. The UK position is, therefore, one of solid and consistent intergovernmental co-operation in defence matters with a bolstering of the WEU's defence capability. The Memorandum suggests the calling of a WEU summit to initiate military action, while giving the EU an advisory role. Reportedly, one of the ideas under review is to create a new policy unit that would make recommendations on security and defence issues to the EU Council of Ministers, upon whom the final decision for action will fall. 41. The UK Government makes clear its opposition to a merger between the EU and the WEU, and the Memorandum suggests instead that the European Union "should create a new WEU body at Head of State and Government level involving full members, associate members and observers", thus reinforcing the intergovernmental character of the ESDI. The inclusion of non-members of the European Union in the defence structure - the associate members are Norway, Turkey and Iceland - would clearly run counter to the development of a European Union defence, as such. 42. In such a context, the creation of an 18-nation Summit of Heads of States and Government which would meet "back-to-back" with European Council meetings would have practical and political consequences. C. The Dutch Government's Report 43. In early April the Dutch Government submitted suggestions to the Second Chamber in a report entitled "The European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy: Towards More Energetic External Action". 44. The report acknowledges that the CFSP, as outlined in the Maastricht Treaty, suffers from a number of operational weaknesses which are analysed in the report, and certain solutions are proposed. Among the weaknesses identified is the apparent lack of communal analysis, the delays imposed by the concept of unanimous decision-making and the financing of common actions. 45. To reinforce common action and the preparation of policy, the report proposes to better equip the CFSP unit of the Council Secretariat and to considerably enlarge its mandate. It suggests that this unit could, in time, be separated from the Council Secretariat, falling under the responsibility of another, distinct, Secretary General. The report proposes a move away from the consensus model for decision-making - perhaps by resorting to the concept of abstention - to be accompanied by an enhancement of the competencies of the European Parliament. 46. In contrast to the United Kingdom, the Dutch Government makes clear its preference for the full integration of the WEU into the EU, while acknowledging that this will be a complicated issue. Among the complications is the question of whether the security guarantees offered by the WEU (Article V) should be made part of the Treaty on European Union. The report notes that "the non-introduction of the security guarantee would suggest that the European Union's political ambitions are not sufficiently high for there to be a question of solidarity between member states in case of aggression against one of them". This integration of WEU into the EU would necessitate the creation of a form of association to the CFSP for the associate members of the WEU (Denmark, Ireland and Turkey). There is also the complication surrounding the neutral member states (Sweden, Finland, Ireland and Austria). 47. The report concedes that these complicating factors will dictate that the complete integration of the WEU into the EU cannot be seriously envisaged for 1996 and that the WEU will, therefore, remain a separate organisation for some time to come. The Dutch Government nonetheless expresses a strong wish that the "first steps" towards total integration of the WEU into the EU be taken during the Intergovernmental Conference. 48. Finally, the report points out that total integration of the WEU into the EU would make desirable the establishment of a direct link between the EU and its North Atlantic partners, that would take the form of an Atlantic agreement. This agreement, according to the report, would not be intended to replace the NATO Treaty, but merely to intensify the dialogue on security policy and eventually other issues. D. French Policy "The 1996 Conference should synthesise three great visions: that of Germany, willingly federalist, which polarises its energies in Europe ... that of France which brings its State tradition ... and that of England which contributes its world vision and its concern to preserve what is best in specific national values."(17) 49. Contradictory tendencies are evident in France on the ESDI issue. These tendencies would seem to derive from the different, and arguably competing, roles which the French Government is simultaneously pursuing in the defence field. 50. France seems committed to a more significant reorganisation of the WEU's relationship with the European Union, but is united with the United Kingdom in abjuring the notion of a federal defence concept. This has produced a tension in that, as former Prime Minister Mr. Balladur explained to Le Monde, "all French citizens are convinced of the necessity of developing co-operation between European countries, and all desire that France does not lose its personality nor, on essential questions, its independence".(18) 51. Earlier this year, the French suggested that a new secretariat should be created in Brussels, headed by a high-profile secretary general wielding wide powers to co-ordinate EU policy towards the rest of the world.(19) A month earlier, former European Minister Lamassoure had recommended to the EU Committee on Institutional Affairs on CFSP that a "common diplomatic tool" should be established for the CFSP, qualifying the statement by declaring that it should "completely depend on the Council". The French, therefore, appear to support a greater role for defence within the Union - perhaps by placing it in a "pillar", similar, but separate from the CFSP. But, overall, intergovernmentalism is the essence, for "in areas where European construction needs to make progress today - foreign policy and defence - what is needed most is the political will of member states and no-one other than the leaders of those member states can provide it".(20) 52. And despite the fact that, traditionally, France has been the great protagonist of a European defence identity, an identity which would be clearly differentiated from the United States through the energetic pursuit of an ESDI, the French Defence Minister cautioned in early April that "there is one road [that Europe] should not embark upon - the notion of a European Army which would be a merger of the existing armies under a single command".(21) 53. Contrast this with the briefing given to members of the Committee in Paris on 15 March by the Deputy Director of Strategic Affairs at the French Foreign Ministry.(22) He spoke of the ESDI being developed in stages with the WEU becoming the independent arm for peacekeeping and humanitarian missions and a strengthening of the WEU's operational capability without a theological debate. In particular, the WEU, we were informed, needed to develop a coherent armaments policy and space capabilities on the road to a harmonisation of European forces. 54. The Eurocorps, it was asserted, would serve as the central military element of the ESDI and would be augmented by the French/Spanish/Italian/Portuguese European air maritime force (EUROMARFOR) and the new Franco-British joint air component. These, he said, represented the early building blocks of a consolidated European army, as agreed at Maastricht. Nevertheless, as stated in the NATO-Eurocorps Agreement, it remains clear that the newly-born corps should also be placed at the disposal of NATO, including for collective defence requirements. 55. In the broader context, it is perhaps interesting to note that at a time when Franco-American attitudes in the security field appear to be converging in a number of important areas in the case of CJTF there remain significant divergent perspectives (see next chapter). Meaningful concessions on the central elements of CJTF have been lacking, and neither country appears inclined to relinquish key principles in the short term. 56. Finally, on a different but important matter, the future role of European nuclear weapons in the whole ESDI equation. Suggestions of French readiness to study an extension of their nuclear umbrella to the whole EU, expressed in the midst of the Mururoa testing crisis, have provoked no enthusiasm and received criticism from some of the European leaders. E. Germany 57. Germany has also pressed for a reorganisation of the structures that will underpin the CFSP and ESDI. At the Essen EU Summit Meeting in December, Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel suggested that a new EU institution be created to implement joint European foreign policy. In a similar vein to Lamassoure's "common diplomatic tool", it is proposed that it be controlled by the Council and not become an integral part of the Commission. More recently, in an article for Die Zeit, Herr Kinkel wrote in favour of a merger between the WEU and the EU, and said that France and Germany should co-operate closely in this and convince their partners of the need for additional integration in this area.(23) While the French are receptive up to a certain point, they do not share the German Government's advocacy of a "profound recasting" of the European Union.(24) Germany puts great emphasis on the constitutional dimension of the IGC and, unlike the French or the British, the Germans are keen to implement fundamental changes in the decision-making mechanisms, with CFSP decisions of substance taken through a majority, and more power given to the Parliament and the Commission. These and other proposals were discussed in the German, "CDU/CSU Discussion Document: Making the EU More Capable of Acting in Common Foreign and Security Matters", dated 13 June 1995. 58. Like the United Kingdom, Germany places the principal priority on the continuation of the transatlantic link. In his speech at the February Wehrkunde meeting, Defence Minister Volker Ruhe declared that "without America,...stability has never been, and never will be available" and the German Commander of the Eurocorps, General Willmann, has firmly stated that "there is no intention of building up an autonomous European military structure in parallel with NATO".(25) The German-American relationship is particularly strong at the moment and, although Germany has pressed for a more federal defence structure, it does not reject the inclusion of CJTFs within the integrated military structure of NATO. F. The Mediterranean Group 59. Although Italy, Spain and Portugal are not traditionally associated with taking the lead on European security issues, in the run up to, and at the beginning of, the 1996 IGC, these three are likely to play a critical role in defining the debate on the ESDI. 60. Last July, the Presidency of the EU passed from France to Spain, to be followed, at the beginning of 1996, by Italy. At the same time, Spain received from Portugal the Presidency of the WEU. Thus, Spain will jointly hold the WEU and EU Presidencies, and will be conveniently placed to attempt to synthesise and harmonise the roles and vocations of the two organisations. 61. Spain, whose position concerning ESDI is closer to Germany than to the United Kingdom, aiming at defence to become an integral part of the Union, will base its presidency on a rather pragmatic approach, trying to avoid a stalemate by harmonising the differing views into an agreement for a progressive integration of the WEU into the EU through a process of gradual convergen